SACRAMENTO – Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has reaped big political dividends from a string of high-profile environmental initiatives that have neutralized a campaign issue usually owned by Democrats in green-leaning California.
But while the governor held star-studded ceremonies related to curbing global warming and challenging federal policies on offshore oil drilling and roads in national forests, Schwarzenegger also acted often this year to protect one of his closest allies – big business.
“The governor paints the prettiest picture and makes the speech, but when it comes time to do the push-ups, he's just not there,” said Gary Patton, executive director of the Planning and Conservation League.
More recently, some environmentalists and legislative leaders claim Schwarzenegger betrayed them by issuing a business-friendly executive order to jump-start the state's landmark law to cut greenhouse gas emissions.
As he weighed other legislation this year, Schwarzenegger appeared to have a consistent tipping point. Bills to impose immediate costs and fees were targeted for vetoes, according to the governor's aides and environmentalists.
The governor's opposition to raising taxes and fees “has hampered our ability to clean up our water and our air,” said Bill Magavern of the Sierra Club.
Although Schwarzenegger voices concern over air quality, traffic congestion and security at the state's two busiest ports in Los Angeles and Long Beach, he vetoed legislation that would have imposed a container fee of between $30 and $60 each to help offset the impacts of increased congestion and pollution.
Schwarzenegger also rejected measures that would have raised vehicle registration fees in many coastal counties to generate millions for environmental programs.
His stand on initiatives is mixed. In contrast to a number of top Republicans, Schwarzenegger opposes Proposition 90, which would rewrite eminent domain laws and potentially make it much more expensive for local and state governments to implement environmental safeguards and acquire land for habitat.
But he opposes Proposition 87, a priority of many environmentalists. The initiative would impose the state's first oil extraction tax, potentially raising up to $4 billion to pump into alternative fuels and other energy-saving technologies touted by the governor.
As a result, environmental groups that have praised of the governor for taking the national lead on global warming said his record on signing green bills is “mediocre.” Most back Democrat Phil Angelides for governor in Tuesday's election.
Schwarzenegger's team and his allies say the economy and environment are inseparable. “The governor has been very clear that he views the economy and environment as not mutually exclusive, but mutually necessary,” said Vince Sollitto, a spokesman for the California Chamber of Commerce and a former top press aide to the governor. “That resonates with most Californians.”
Dorothy Rothrock, who represents the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, said Schwarzenegger has been a friend to business even though he signed legislation to cap greenhouse gas emissions over industry objections.
“The governor has a progressive agenda, but in every instance he takes into account the economic impacts,” she said.
Even some of his critics give Schwarzenegger credit for being green – sort of.
“For being a Republican, you can say he's pro-environment,” said Assembly Speaker Fabian Núñez, D-Los Angeles. “If you judge him as a Democrat, give him a D-minus.”
Schwarzenegger's signature on the sweeping global warming measure, Assembly Bill 32, may be his crowning environmental achievement to date. It seeks to cap greenhouse gas emissions at 1990 levels by requiring a 25 percent rollback by 2020.
But some have criticized the governor for issuing an executive order they believe installs pro-business policies that were not part of the original legislation.
“The governor has short-circuited the public process,” Magavern said.
Most significant, the executive order charts a speedy course for developing a “cap and trade” system demanded by business. Under such a system, industries that cannot significantly reduce emissions will be able to buy credits from others that can. Schwarzenegger's order takes steps independent of the legislation, including creating a panel under his control that would conduct economic studies and make recommendations to the state Air Resources Board.
“It shows that he really understands the need to accomplish the goals at the least cost possible,” Rothrock said.
But environmentalists said they conceded to allow trading of credits as a last resort, only after a comprehensive economic study and review of alternatives by the air board.
Some environmental groups and legislative leaders appeared stunned by Schwarzenegger's executive order, claiming it points the state only in the direction of a cap-and-trade system.
Also, opponents contend the order gives much more power than the legislation intended to Schwarzenegger's environmental czar, Linda Adams. The air board, appointed by the governor but widely viewed as independent, was to be in charge of implementation, environmentalists and leading lawmakers say.
Senate President Pro Tempore Don Perata, D-Oakland, issued a stinging rebuke and suggested that the Legislature may retaliate by holding up confirmations or use the budget to ensure that the governor doesn't stray from the measure's goals.
Perata called the executive order “ill-timed and unnecessary,” and urged the governor to rescind it. “Its substance and process undermines the bipartisan spirit and cooperation in which the law was passed and signed,” Perata said.
Núñez has vowed to make sure that the governor's independent actions do not clash with the goals of the legislation as the process unfolds.
“Let's take it one step at a time. . . . I don't want to start threatening the administration with leverage we obviously have,” Núñez said.
Others are more generous. Environment California, a nonprofit advocacy group active in the bill negotiations, hesitated to criticize the governor, indicating that the real test will come when state air-quality regulators act in coming years.
“The executive order creates more political hay than policy impact at this point,” said Jason Barbose of Environment California.
Schwarzenegger has dismissed the end-run allegations. “We're just improving on everything and making it really work, to make sure that we have the best cap-and-trade system in place,” he said.
Adams, the governor's secretary of the Environmental Protection Agency, said the executive order is aimed at clarifying the law, speeding up and coordinating state agency efforts to curb their own emissions and gathering experts to make recommendations on a cap-and-trade marketing system.
Adams said final decisions, as specified in the legislation, will remain with the Air Resources Board.
“The air board can say we don't believe a market will work,” Adams said. Or, more likely, she continued, “They have the option of saying how the market will work.”
Angelides, Schwarzenegger's struggling Democratic opponent in Tuesday's election, has attempted to insert the executive order into the campaign.
“Just three weeks after signing the bill, he's trying to weaken it by implementing through executive order the same measures the Legislature earlier rejected,” said Angelides, the state treasurer. “We can't trust him.”
